Thursday Morning Links

This and that for your Thursday reading.

- Greg Jericho writes that the latest IPCC report confirms that we're running out of time to avert climate breakdown, but still have a narrow window in which to do so. Damian Carrington reminds us that the cost of climate negligence is far higher than that of planning for a just transition while we still have the chance. Simon Lewis discusses how the fossil fuel industry bears responsibility for endangering our future. Bill McKibben highlights the deliberate pollution of our political and social discourse which has only complicated any attempt to set us on a sustainable path. And Elizabeth Leier argues that we need to match the urgency applied to our initial COVID-19 response in addressing the climate crisis. 

- But in case there was any doubt how determined many people are to avoid dealing directly with any matter of public well-being, Max Fawcett points out the glaring gap between widespread public demand for vaccine passports, and a refusal to act by most Canadian political leaders. Jim Harding writes that Saskatchewan (among other jurisdictions) needs to demand better than the short-sighted government which has allowed COVID to run wild. Bruce Anderson examines the composition of Canada's as-of-yet-unvaccinated population, and finds that a substantial number of reluctant people would open up to vaccinations under the right circumstances. And Alexander Wong and Sean Tucker make the case for mandatory vaccinations in workplaces.  

- Kanecia Zimmerman and Danny Benjamin Jr. discuss the success of mandatory masking in limiting the spread of COVID in schools. And Lisa Schick reports on the rising number of cases among Saskatchewan children just as school is set to resume - together with Paul Merriman's complete lack of concern about the likelihood of outbreaks in schools. 

- Guy Quenneville provides a damning timeline of the Extendicare outbreak which killed 39 Saskatchewan residents. 

- Karen Weintraub and Adrianna Rodriguez write about the open question as to whether the Delta variant actually causes more severe symptoms than other forms of COVID-19 (in addition to being far more transmissible). And Ed Yong takes a general look at the current direction of the pandemic - including the certainty of "exit waves" as governments eliminate public health protections, and the eventual prospect of endemicity following whatever human toll we choose to accept in the meantime.  

- Finally, ProPublica exposes how the Republicans' tax cuts for the rich were not only a massive giveaway to the .1% generally, but specifically designed to hand extra goodies to a few closely-connected donors. And Alex Ballingall reports on the NDP's plan to apply a wealth tax to fortunes over $10 million in order to fund a functional set of social and health supports. 

On non-goals

The combination of Paul Merriman's appalling use of poll numbers as a measure of COVID success - followed by Scott Moe's feckless response - has rightly been the subject of plenty of criticism. But it's worth a reminder that there's nothing new in either of their messages - such that those criticisms are properly seen as addressing structural problems with the Saskatchewan Party, not personal foibles or slips which can plausibly be minimized.

Let's remember after all that Moe's own reaction to public awareness of the coronavirus was to use it as an excuse to hold a snap election. And even after that plan fell apart, the Saskatchewan Party gleefully attacked Ryan Meili as "Dr. Doom" for attempting to have the government take COVID-19 seriously, delayed and minimized any response to the coronavirus in order when it wasn't convenient for their own budget message...and bragged about polling results which were supposed to show a romp in the making. 

So there's absolutely no air of reailty to Moe's attempt to spin Merriman's message as being a one-time mistake. To the contrary, it fits perfectly into the Saskatchewan Party's longstanding pattern of behaviour prioritizing polls and political interests over the lives of Saskatchewan people.

But the more important part of Moe's attempt at damage control is this:

Moe said he doesn’t know if there is a measure of success when it comes to tackling the virus.

...

“I don’t know that that’s a measure of success … the answer to that question. What are people going to recall when they talk about COVID in two years is something that I most certainly am thinking about today,” said Moe.

“How do you measure success (against) a virus that we are still sorting out, trying to learn?”

Of course, one answer would be to compare Saskatchewan to jurisdictions which have actually been successful in fully containing COVID-19. And there's no reasonable explanation as to why Moe has chosen needless viral spread and human suffering over real public health measures which would be far better for people and the economy alike.

But even if we assume Moe is incapable of the type of leadership necessary to defeat COVID-19 entirely, one of the issues consistently raised by Meili and the NDP has been the need for clear objective standards and thresholds to inform our reaction to the spread of the virus.

At times, we've received that from the chief medical health officer Dr. Shahab. But it appears that even nine months into a pandemic, Scott Moe still can't even conceive of the possibility that we could set defined markers of our success (or lack thereof) in responding to COVID-19.

Needless to say, a government's refusal to accept that it's even possible to define success makes it virtually certain that we'll make no meaningful effort to achieve it. And that only figures to set the stage for many more abject failures to come.

Friday Morning Links

Assorted content to end your week.

- Shannon Vanraes reports that Manitoba has become the latest jurisdiction reduced to triaging patients in their cars due to a lack of resources to respond to the coronavirus. Mickey Djuric reports on new modeling showing that Saskatchewan is on the verge of a severe COVID-19 outbreak, even as Paul Merriman plans to do nothing until it's too late to improve matters. But it's worth noting - as already pointed out - that even the best-case scenario (involving cases leveling off at their current number) would need to have involved substantial action a month ago.

- Zak Vescera reports on Alex Wong's observation that we need immediate action to save lives. And the Saskatchewan NDP is calling for a three-week "circuit breaker" of non-essential services to prevent both catastrophic spread and more severe lockdowns later on. 

- Owen Jones argues that since any COVID-19 vaccine will be the result of publicly-funded research for the benefit of all humanity, it makes no sense to hand over patents rights allowing big pharma to limit access to it.

- Janyce McGregor and Peter Zimonjic reports on the federal NDP's push for a national pharmacare program. And while the Cons try to throw out jurisdictional arguments, it's worth noting how private health interests are lining up at the trough to turn health care needs into profits thanks to their Alberta cousins.

- Finally, Hadrian Metrins-Kirkwood writes that the Libs' much-ballyhooed climate change legislation doesn't actually promise to generate much other than a lot of paperwork, while Adam Radwanski likewise finds the bill wanting compared to its international counterparts. And Robert Devine argues that we can't count on the market to save us from the calamitous consequences of an impending climate breakdown.

Tuesday Morning Links

This and that for your Tuesday reading.

- The Globe and Mail's editorial board is rightly aghast at Doug Ford's choice to facilitate the spread of the coronavirus as a devastating fall wave hits, while Bruce Arthur writes that there may be no choice but to impose a lockdown as the cost of doing nothing becomes more glaring. And Andrew Leach rightly calls out Jason Kenney's attempt to declare a spike in infection to be a matter of personal responsibility, while taking no responsibility whatsoever for his government's failings. 

- Meanwhile, Stephanie Taylor reports on new Saskatchewan Health Minister Paul Merriman's worrisome takes on COVID-19 - including that anti-mask protesting is just fine, and that the availability of field hospitals (which are better described as warehouses) means we shouldn't worry about the effect of the pandemic on our health care system. And Colin D'Mello reports on warnings about Ontario's health care system, which may soon see surgeries and other necessary care cancelled again in order to prioritize COVID-19 treatment. 

- Brady Lang reports on the alarming increase in Saskatchewan drug overdose deaths to over one a day so far in 2020. And Kathrin Glosel offers a reminder that a full Housing First strategy not only saves lives, but also saves money compared to the cost of jails and medical treatment. 

- Meanwhile, Lisa Adkins and Martijn Konings note that the gap between the cost of housing and the wages available from work has grown to the point where middle-class workers are having to rely on inheritances to buy a first home.

- Paola Rose-Aquino writes about the spread of the right-to-repair movement across borders and party lines.

- David Pugliese exposes the plans of Canada's military to set up a propaganda unit to influence public opinion and behaviour. And Jim Bronskill reports on the RCMP's continued stonewalling of a Civilian Review and Complaints Commission report into its covert surveillance of environmental activists.

- Finally, Brent Patterson discusses how we could put public resources to far better use funding a Green New Deal rather than gratuitous military purchasing. And Darrin Qualman examines how climate change stands to harm agriculture in Saskatchewan.

Saskatoon Sutherland - NDP Nominates Naveed Anwar

It may make for an anticlimactic end to the NDP's nomination race. But as expected following Ryan Meili's decision to step aside, Naveed Anwar has won the NDP's nomination in Saskatoon Sutherland.

The 2011 race between Anwar and Paul Merriman may involve new faces in both of the main parties, but should still nonetheless make for an interesting battle for one of the seats which figures to be hotly contested on both sides. Congratulations to Anwar on his successful nomination campaign, and we'll look forward to seeing how much of his success recruiting members thus far can translate into a volunteer base for the general election.

Sunday Morning Links

This and that for your Sunday reading...

- Tabatha Southey delivers a thoroughly entertaining smackdown of Stockwell Day's antics over the past week:

I mention all of this as context for my reaction to Stockwell Day’s press conference this week in which he explained that the government must spend $13-billion on prisons, despite statistics showing that crime is down in Canada, because of an “alarming” increase in “unreported crime.”

I'm having trouble sharing and understanding his particular personal vision. I'm not sure that prisons are a good “if you build it, they will come” investment.

In fact, I thought the Treasury Board President looked pretty crazy and scared. I felt like I was watching a man light himself on fire.
...
The strength of the Conservatives for so long was their ability to get inside the heads of ordinary Canadians. Lately, it’s as if they’re bored with that, so instead they are getting inside the heads of the most bashful of property-crime victims and some Cold War re-enactment enthusiasts.

- It's great to see John Rafferty's work on pensions getting some positive media attention. And while I'm less optimistic than Rafferty seems to be about the prospect of getting much done in a Con-controlled Parliament, it's definitely worth working getting C-501 passed to make sure that workers aren't left out in the cold when an employer goes under.

- I've mentioned before that it strikes me as entirely too narrow a focus to view the Cons' gutting of the census as merely a communications issue. But Bruce Anderson is still worth a read from that angle:

(T)he long-form-census debate is almost case-study worthy, as communications goes. Before the announcement, there was no effort to rally interest in the problem that the government felt needed to be addressed. The blow-back was predictable, but from the get go, it seemed that the government kept bringing rhetorical pen-knives to a gun fight.

After the blow-back became a source of political anxiety for the Conservatives, two or three different lines of argument were inflated and trial ballooned, none of which have soared. Net-net, the Harper Conservatives added a public-opinion risk with no reward anywhere in sight. If they wanted a debate about which party best respects your privacy, there is little evidence or prospect of this happening now. The more likely question vexing centrist voters is whether the Harper government prefers ideology over information as a way to make decisions with their money and about their services.

- Which is why the Cons may want to take another look at the Chronicle Herald's suggestion:

In the past month, while Mr. Harper has been largely unseen and unheard, the government has been anything but focused on the economy. It has stirred up a national backlash over replacing the mandatory long-form census with a voluntary one that will cost more and yield less reliable data on which to plan government services and make economic policy. It has expended energy talking "tough on crime" and arguing the need for more prisons even in the face of falling crime rates.

Although the PM has left his ministers to conduct an inept defence of both these diversions, the policies clearly come from his office and wouldn’t be getting their misplaced prominence if he didn’t want it that way.
...
Mr. Harper should accept the compromise he’s been offered on the census and get his attention back where he says it belongs: on economic management.

- Finally, while I've mentioned the Saskatchwan NDP's candidate nominations as they've happened, it's worth noting that the Sask Party has also been carrying out plenty of nominations. And their acclamation of Paul Merriman in Saskatoon Sutherland looks to reflect two of the party's major weaknesses: not only does the free ride for a familiar name play into concerns about connections mattering more than substance, but the fact that this is the second Sask Party-held riding where Wall and company couldn't even find a second interested candidate plays into the perception that they're little more than a Potemkin party.